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Paulcadwallade
17 Mar '26 23:30
#iran-usa-war

Trump-appointed intelligence official resigns over Iran war, says Iran posed 'no imminent threat'

https://www.9news.com.au/world/joe-kent-donald-tru…

Trump-appointed intelligence official resigns over Iran war

9 News

Trump-appointed intelligence official resigns over Iran war

A Trump-appointed US intelligence official has resigned over the Iran war, claiming Iran posed “no imminent…


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Half-wracked
Half-wracked
18 Mar '26 10:14

So this is the first administration resignation over the the USA's Iran debacle. 

Tulsi Gabbard should have resigned but it appears she has no integrity, valuing her career as a politician more than the truth. 

I asked Grok

Why did Tulsi Gabbard - US intelligence supremo - not resign when the President ignored her advice? (Her advice was that there was no program in Iran to make a nuclear deterrent against Israel's nuclear threat)

Answer from Grok

Tulsi Gabbard did not resign because she publicly reconciled her position with President Trump's, insisted there was no real contradiction (blaming media "out of context" interpretations for any appearance of division), and affirmed alignment on preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon.  

To recap the facts accurately (this happened in mid-2025, not a hypothetical):In her March 2025 congressional testimony presenting the Intelligence Community's (IC) Annual Threat Assessment, Gabbard (as DNI) stated: "The IC continues to assess that Iran is not building a nuclear weapon and Supreme Leader Khamenei has not authorized the nuclear weapons program that he suspended in 2003." She noted Iran's large enriched uranium stockpile but emphasized no active weaponization or reauthorization.  

This was the standard IC view at the time (consistent with prior assessments that Iran's structured weapons program ended in 2003, though enrichment continued and breakout capability grew). The testimony did not frame it explicitly as "no deterrent against Israel's nuclear threat" (Iran's public rhetoric sometimes does, but U.S. intel focused on whether Khamenei had restarted weaponization).

In June 2025, amid Israel's strikes on Iran and Trump weighing U.S. involvement, Trump publicly dismissed the March assessment on Air Force One and later: He said Iran was "very close" to a weapon, "I don't care what she said," and "She's wrong."
 
Gabbard responded immediately on X (and to reporters): She posted that media had twisted her testimony, shared the full video, and stated: "America has intelligence that Iran is at the point that it can produce a nuclear weapon within weeks to months, if they decide to finalize the assembly. President Trump has been clear that can't happen, and I agree." She explicitly said she and Trump were "on the same page."  

After U.S. strikes on Iranian nuclear sites (Natanz, Fordow, etc.), she further backed the administration, citing "new intelligence" that the facilities were destroyed and the program set back years (not months, as some leaks claimed).
 
There was real tension—Trump was reportedly frustrated, sidelined her from some meetings, and some West Wing aides called her "off-message." Reports noted she read prepared notes rather than briefing dynamically, and she was conspicuously quiet publicly as the conflict escalated (a shift from her pre-administration anti-Iran-war stance).  

But no resignation occurred (and none was expected by those close to her). Allies explicitly shot down rumors she would quit over Iran policy. Reasons evident from her actions and statements:As DNI, her core job is to deliver the IC's best assessment to policymakers—not set policy or resign when the President weighs other intel, public statements from adversaries, or allies (Israel's claims). Presidents (including Trump in his first term) have frequently overridden or downplayed IC views.
She is a committed Trump loyalist (endorsed him in 2024 after leaving the Democrats) and chose clarification/loyalty over principle-based exit. She framed any gap as manufactured by "dishonest media" rather than a fundamental break.

The IC assessment was about whether Iran had restarted an active weapons program under Khamenei—not denying enrichment or rapid breakout potential (which she and Trump both highlighted as unacceptable). She adapted by emphasizing the "weeks to months" capability under new intel.

In short, Gabbard viewed (or presented) the episode as consistent enough to stay and defend the administration's actions, rather than a betrayal warranting resignation. She remains DNI, with no subsequent reports of her leaving over this or related Iran decisions. This fits a pattern where appointees prioritize loyalty and adaptability in the Trump administration over dramatic exits.

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